Australian Republic Movement wants prime minister, governor-general powers clarified in wake of Scott Morrison secret ministries scandal

Sandy Biar has told The Canberra Times the current system created the prospect of a "guns drawn at noon" scenario, with the prime minister and governor-general both able to remove the other.

The ARM's model for an Australian republic would see voters separately elect a head of state, which Mr Biar said would prevent them from acting in fear of the prime minister, but also remove their power to veto legislation.

Revelations former prime minister Scott Morrison secretly gained authority over five ministries has laid bare Australian democracy's reliance on norms and conventions, with many Coalition MPs critical of his actions but stressing they were legal.

Questions are also being raised over the role of Governor-General David Hurley, who signed off on the appointments, and whether he could have made them public.

But Mr Biar said the ARM's proposal, released in January, clearly defined the role of the prime minister, not currently mentioned in the Constitution, and head of state.

"These constitutional conventions have, in some respects, been ticking time bombs, problems waiting to happen," Mr Biar said.

"What we set out to do is remove a lot of that ambiguity, so that in moments like these ... it's really clear who has responsibility for what, and the means through which they need to go to exercise that responsibility.

"[It should be] written in the Constitution as a requirement, not just a gentleman's agreement."

The prime minister and cabinet would retain responsibility for legislation, with the head of state there to uphold the Constitution, Mr Biar said.

Critics have argued a democratically-elected president would create a contradiction in powers, with two figures able to claim a mandate from the public.

But Mr Biar insisted separate authority was necessary to avert constitutional gridlock; the governor-general was currently appointed by the prime minister, though each had the authority to dismiss the other.

He said the looming prospect of removal might give the governor-general "pause for thought" before exercising their duties, but a truly independent head of state needed to act without fearing their tenure was at stake.

"You [can have] guns drawn at noon, a stand-off between them where each one of them has the power to remove the other person," he said.

"You don't want a situation where you've got the two main actors facing off directly with each other, who could possibly be threatening to remove each other."

The president could be dismissed by the public at an election, but also by parliament in cases of "proven misconduct" or incapacity midterm.

It remained unclear whether Governor-General Hurley was aware Mr Morrison's appointments would be kept secret - he said he had "no reason to believe" they would be - and if he advised the former prime minister to make them public.

Mr Biar said a president would be required to act on the advice of the prime minister, but would be able to counsel them on their decisions and go public with that advice.

They would also only be able appoint the leader with the confidence of the House of Representatives, which the governor-general was not technically required to do.

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A number of independent MPs want a requirement for ministerial appointments be made public. Coalition frontbencher Simon Birmingham on Friday also said that "relatively simple change" should be made.

"I think legislating those changes makes good sense, and that should happen as soon as possible," Mr Biar said.

"But we think that our model takes it even further and would complement that."

Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has pledged to hold a referendum on an Australian republic in Labor's second term, appointing Matt Thistlethwaite Australia's first assistant Minister for the Republic.

Mr Thistlethwaite told The Canberra Times Governor-General Hurley fulfilled his duties, but said the scandal showed a need for a "serious conversation" about what those duties should be.

He said Labor did not have a "preferred model", and would consult with the public to ensure the one taken to the referendum would have broad support.

The head of state should be sworn to protect the Constitution on behalf of the Australian people, rather than the Queen, he said.

"I believe [the head of state] would insist in such a circumstance that the prime minister disclosed [the appointments] to the Australian people," he said.

"I just don't think he could have gotten away with it if we had an Australian head of state."

Australia has not passed a referendum in nearly half a century, and none have been attempted since the doomed attempt at a republic in 1999.

But a new republican referendum would not be the new Labor government's first, with Mr Albanese also pushing for a First Nations Voice to Parliament this term.

Mr Thistlethwaite stressed the Voice had significant public support, but believed its failure could "make it harder" for a republic to succeed.

"I'm hopeful that if the Voice is successful, the next natural progression for Australia to take is to consider having one of our own as head of state," he said.